The July 2013 elections marked a pivotal moment in Cambodia’s political landscape, recognized as the fifth and most contentious electoral event in the country’s recent history. The results revealed a significant shift against Hun Sen’s ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), which managed to secure a narrow victory with 68 seats. In contrast, the Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP), led by Sam Rainsy, won 55 seats, marking a formidable opposition presence.

However, allegations of widespread voting irregularities emerged even before the polls opened. Given the election’s closeness, with results showing 48% for the CPP and 44% for the CNRP, Rainsy declared the results unacceptable. The CPP government dismissed calls from the CNRP and the international community to investigate claims of electoral misconduct.

In late 2013 and early 2014, mass protests erupted in Phnom Penh and other cities, demanding accountability for the election outcomes and addressing various social issues. These demonstrations were met with violence, resulting in the deaths of several protestors. The CNRP’s decision to boycott parliament prolonged the political deadlock, which only began to resolve in July 2014 when Hun Sen and Rainsy negotiated a new agreement after extensive political maneuvering.

Tensions resurfaced in late 2015 when allegations of prostitution were leveled against CNRP deputy leader Kem Sokha. In November, Rainsy faced defamation charges and opted for self-imposed exile in France for the fourth time in two decades rather than confront the accusations.

Further unrest occurred in July 2016 following the assassination of popular political commentator and Hun Sen critic Kem Ley in Phnom Penh. From exile, Rainsy accused the government of orchestrating the murder, leading to additional defamation charges against him. With Rainsy still in self-imposed exile, the CNRP continued its parliamentary boycott in October.

The next elections are slated for July 2018. Despite over 32 years in power, Hun Sen, now in his mid-60s, shows no intention of stepping down. Meanwhile, there is a growing sentiment that Rainsy, who is three years older, may not be the ideal solution to Cambodia’s challenges. As one commentator noted, “It’s easy to be the authoritarian leader of a poor agricultural nation when your chief opponent lives in an apartment near the Eiffel Tower in Paris.”

In a bid to improve his image, Hun Sen has increasingly engaged with the public on social media platforms like Facebook, where his page boasts around 6.5 million likes—many critics claim these are artificially inflated through overseas click farms.

Modern Cambodia faces numerous challenges. Despite receiving hundreds of millions of dollars in annual aid, progress in improving basic living conditions has been sluggish. Predominantly an agricultural nation, Cambodia has limited manufacturing capabilities, although the influx of foreign investment has led to the establishment of garment and shoe factories in cities like Phnom Penh, Sihanoukville, and Bavet. Many rural Cambodians still struggle with inadequate access to clean water, electricity, and healthcare. Landmines continue to pose significant dangers, injuring countless villagers each year.

Corruption remains pervasive, often tied closely to Hun Sen and his inner circle. Additionally, the rampant environmental destruction and unchecked logging have decimated large areas of Cambodia’s once-diverse countryside, turning it into monocultures for cash crops.

However, the country’s growing tourism sector offers a glimmer of hope, providing many Cambodians with opportunities for advancement, education, and economic stability, thanks in part to socially responsible hotels, restaurants, tour operators, and NGOs. While these initiatives are important, they represent only a small part of a broader solution. The ability of Hun Sen’s government—or any potential successor—to significantly enhance the quality of life for Cambodia’s enduring populace remains uncertain.